Chicago
Tonight: Elites, Affluence, and Advertising
A
report by Chicago Media Action
Acknowledgements
Study
coordinator: James Owens
James
Owens serves on the Executive Committee of Chicago Media Action. A contributor
to CovertAction Quarterly, and a former campaign writer for US Rep Bobby
Rush, James’ research and writing has also been utilized by Chicago area law
firms, as well as non-profit and political organizations.
Study
supervisor: Stephen Macek, PhD.
Stephen
Macek is
Assistant Professor of Speech Communication at North Central College in
Naperville. His research and writing have focused on the politics of media
representations of the urban poor. His book, "Urban Nightmares: The Media,
The Right and the Panic over the Postindustrial City, 1980-2000," is
forthcoming from University of Minnesota Press.
Sections
One, Two, Three, Appendices (except as noted below) written by James Owens,
with direction and advice from Stephen Macek, and Chicago Media Action.
The
introductory section was written in collaboration with Stephen Macek, James
Owens and Scott Sanders.
Section
Four - "Suggestions for Action," written by Karen Bond, with
additional research by Scott Sanders.
The
Executive Summary was written by James Owens and Stephen Macek.
Appendix
2, "Race Statistics for the Chicago Area"; Appendix 10, "WTTW
Board of Trustees"; and Appendix 11, “Chicago Public Broadcasting
Timeline,” by Scott Sanders.
Additional
Research: Stephen Macek, Scott Sanders, Robert Gallie, and Mitchell Szczepanczyk.
Additional
feedback, proofreading, coordination, and insight: Karen Bond, Larry Duncan, Robert Gallie, Jennifer Reft, Mitchell Szczepanczyk, Rachel Razowsky.
Table of Contents
Appendix 1: Story
Topics....................................................................................................................................... 2
Appendix 2: Race
Statistics for the Chicago Area............................................................................................... 3
Appendix 3: Race of
Guests.................................................................................................................................. 4
Appendix 4: Guest Race
Across Story Topics...................................................................................................... 5
Appendix 5: Gender
Representation on Chicago Tonight................................................................................... 6
Appendix 6: Gender
Representation Across Story Topics.................................................................................. 7
Appendix 7: Guest
Occupation: All Topics........................................................................................................... 9
Appendix 7-A: Guest
Occupation: News Topics................................................................................................. 10
Appendix 8: Guest
Occupation Across Topics.................................................................................................... 11
Appendix 9. Public Appearance by Topic............................................................................................................ 17
Appendix 10. WTTW Board
of Trustees............................................................................................................ 18
Appendix 11. History of
Efforts to Reform WWCI............................................................................................ 35
Appendix 12. Documents
from WTTW Promotion Kit for Advertisers, Fall 2003........................................... 41

|
Race and Ethnicity Statistics for the Chicago Area |
|
Geographic area |
Total population |
|
Hispanic or Latino (of any race) |
|||||||
|
|
Two or more races |
|||||||||
|
Total |
White |
Black or African American |
American Indian and Alaska Native |
Asian |
|
Some other race |
||||
|
Cook County |
5,376,741 |
5,240,518 |
3,025,760 |
1,405,361 |
15,496 |
260,170 |
2,561 |
531,170 |
136,223 |
1,071,740 |
|
DuPage County |
904,161 |
888,679 |
759,924 |
27,600 |
1,520 |
71,252 |
217 |
28,166 |
15,482 |
81,366 |
|
Kane County |
404,119 |
395,184 |
320,340 |
23,279 |
1,255 |
7,296 |
144 |
42,870 |
8,935 |
95,924 |
|
Lake County |
644,356 |
631,427 |
516,189 |
44,741 |
1,801 |
25,105 |
308 |
43,283 |
12,929 |
92,716 |
|
McHenry County |
260,077 |
257,256 |
244,240 |
1,523 |
445 |
3,782 |
55 |
7,211 |
2,821 |
19,602 |
|
Will County |
502,266 |
494,080 |
411,027 |
52,509 |
1,038 |
11,125 |
162 |
18,219 |
8,186 |
43,768 |
|
Chicago Area
Totals: |
8,091,720 |
7,907,144 |
5,277,480 |
1,555,013 |
21,555 |
377,730 |
3,447 |
670,919 |
184,576 |
1,405,114 |
|
% of pop. by
race or origin |
- |
- |
65.2% |
19.2% |
0.3% |
4.7% |
0.04% |
8.2% |
2.3% |
17.4% |
Source: U.S. Census Bureau,
Census 2000 Redistricting Data (Public Law 94-171) Summary File, Matrices PL1
and PL2.
·
The Chicago area
consists of the six Illinois counties listed.
Source: Office of the
Municipal Reference Collection, Chicago Public Library, Harold Washington
Library, Chicago, IL.
·
The estimated number of
Americans of Arab origin in the Chicago area is 150,000 or roughly 1.9%
Source: “Chicago's Arab
American Community: An Introduction” by Ray Hanania http://www.hanania.com/aaintro.htm
(Note: The U.S. Census
Bureau’s data does not include a category for Arabs.
·
The total percentage of
all race categories adds up to slightly less than 100% (99.94%) due to
rounding.
·
Please note that
approximately 2.3% identified themselves as belonging to two or more racial
categories.
·
NOTE: For information
on confidentiality protection, nonsampling error, and definitions for U.S.
census data, see
http://factfinder.census.gov/home/en/datanotes/expplu.html.C



Appendix 4: Guest Race Across Story
Topics Continued



Appendix 6: Gender Representation
Across Story Topics Continues



Appendix 8: Guest Occupation Across Topics Continued


Appendix 8: Guest Occupation Across Topics Continued
Appendix 8: Guest Occupation
Across Topics Continued

Appendix 8: Guest Occupation
Across Topics Continued

Appendix 8: Guest Occupation
Across Topics Continued


|
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|
|
A HISTORY OF EFFORTS TO REFORM WINDOW TO THE WORLD COMMUNICATIONS, INC.
Window to the World Communications, Inc. (WWCI - formerly known as the Chicago Educational Television Association, or CETA) has controlled the non-profit WTTW-TV since 1953 and the for-profit WFMT-FM since 1968. Over the years, numerous local citizen concerns have worked toward the reform of the unaccountable and self-elected board of trustees of WWCI. The preponderance of these actions had, at their core, concerns about programming diversity. Five of these actions - ranging from 1989 to 2000 - dealt substantially or completely with commercialism, giving truth to the Chicago Tribune’s 1997 statement that Chicago is "ground zero" in the battle over the commercialization of public broadcasting. Two other actions centered separately on the vital issues of racial hiring standards and financial accountability. No legal or regulatory action focusing solely on race and programming at WTTW has to date been attempted, though such a complaint may be possible.
The history of the Chicago model provides important cues for local reformers and perhaps some of the legal and regulatory “master keys” that could unlock public broadcasting’s funding conundrum. The time line below provides key milestones relevant to the history of WWCI and tracks the colorful litany of local reform actions.
- - - - -
2004
In July, after nearly a year of study, Chicago Media Action (CMA) releases a content analysis of WTTW’s flagship public affairs program Chicago Tonight.
2003
In February, after discussions with WTTW that started in December of 2002, more than thirty-five activists, representing a coalition of over twenty-five community groups including Chicago Media Action, met with top station executives. The coalition requests monthly live audience forum broadcasts to discuss issues of controversy and debate, which would often include the airing and discussion of independent documentaries. The forums would air as Chicago Tonight specials and would utilize the resources freed up through the preemption of those evenings’ regular Chicago Tonight broadcasts. The immediate intent was to advance public debate, lacking in the mainstream media, on the drive toward the U.S. invasion of Iraq - before the war started. WTTW turns down the programming request.
The PBS board permits 30-second ads in its national primetime feeds through the “Premiere Sponsorship” deal.
An accounting scandal strikes WTTW involving the theft of hundreds of thousands of dollars. The long time employee who absconded with the money is eventually arrested.
In July, an investigative article entitled “Running WTTW into the Ground – The Rise and Fall of Network Chicago” appears as the cover piece of the Chicago Tribune’s Sunday magazine. The story roundly criticizes WTTW from a business standpoint, citing mistakes costing millions of dollars stemming from WTTW CEO Daniel Schmidt’s mismanagement and the “Network Chicago” campaign.
In October, Chicago Media Action calls for a remedy to the declining public service on WTTW programs, and for ways to deal with the larger endemic flaws of public broadcasting. CMA’s requests: (1) Fire WTTW CEO Dan Schmidt. (2) Conduct an independent audit of WTTW funds (3) Implement the series of monthly town halls and documentaries called for earlier (4) Implement an independent commission to help resolve WTTW's funding dilemma. CMA sent these requests in a letter to the chair of the WTTW Board of Directors.
2002
In October, community members meet with top WTTW executives asking the station to create an African American hosted public affairs discussion series (or segment within Chicago Tonight). The hosts requested are Salim Muwakkil, senior editor at In These Times magazine and Chicago Tribune columnist, and Cliff Kelley, local radio host and former Chicago alderman. WTTW turns down the program request.
2000
The FCC reduces its fine (see 1997 below) against the WWCI trustees to $2,000, judging two of the original four ads to be illegal. The FCC drops one of the two offending ads from the complaint because it originated at PBS and the complaint in hand was brought solely against WTTW. In so doing, the FCC explicitly leaves the door open for future action on commercialism in this, the only example of a fine assessment for “willfully” and repeatedly airing commercial material on a public TV station. (The Communications Act of 1934 today still forbids noncommercial stations from accepting compensation for broadcasting messages that “promote any service, facility or product offered by any person who is engaged in such offering for profit.”)
The public loses its right to uncensored candidate airtime on public broadcasting stations as a result of the mis-titled “Public Broadcasting Integrity Act”. Sponsored by Senator Jeffords (I-VT), this act removes the traditional mandate upon all public broadcasting stations to offer candidates free airtime on a non-discriminatory basis during the 90 day period before elections.
1999
The ill-fated $22 million “Network Chicago” re-branding, “cross-platform” re-organization and programming effort is unveiled by new CEO Daniel Schmidt, who replaced long-time station head William McCarter at WWCI. "Network Chicago" launches a weekly publication and program guide called “City Talk”. The magazine was soon reduced to a bi-weekly, and subsequently ceased publication.
1998
The International Brotherhood of Electrical Workers, representing thirteen fired WTTW engineers and technicians, accuses the public TV outlet of making its employees pay for management’s mistakes. The station cites a decline in outside production business at WWCI’s Chicago Production Center for the firings.
1997
The William Kennard-chaired FCC calls for a very unusual $5,000 fine against the WWCI Trustees. The unsourced complaint holds that four commercial advertisements aired on Channel 11 a combined total of 181 times are illegal. WTTW disputes the FCC ad complaint. The FCC’s action cites the Coalition for Democracy in Public Television (CDPTV) home shopping warning (see 1994-1995 below).
1995
A major initiative by the new Republican House majority, led by Newt Gingrich, is to de-fund or “zero-out” all federal support and “privatize” public broadcasting because “Government intervention is no longer necessary”. The initiative is met with an unprecedented negative public response, which may have cost several Republican Senators their seats.
The FCC issues a mild reprimand to WTTW's trustees regarding a CDPTV home shopping complaint (see 1994 below) and, tellingly, warns them to be careful in the future.
CETA changes its name to Window to the World Communications, Incorporated (WWCI).
1994
CDPTV files a complaint with the FCC alleging fundraising violations at CETA with regard to the forty hours worth of home shopping programs known as The Chicago Holiday Gift Exchange broadcast by WTTW. The coalition receives legal representation on the complaint from the Georgetown University Public Law Center and the DC-based Media Access Project (MAP). (MAP is currently handling the Prometheus Radio case, which continues to hold the media ownership rules proposed by Michael Powell’s FCC in abeyance.)
1993
The Coalition for Democracy in Public Television - known as CDPTV and later as Democracy in Public Broadcasting - is formed. The group addresses the censorial effects commercialism and closed, undemocratic structures and processes have upon public TV. The coalition included concerned citizens and thirty-four community groups and coalitions. Members included Operation PUSH, South Austin Community Coalition and the Coalition for New Priorities. Scott Sanders, Melissa Sterne and others helped organize CDPTV.
CDPTV organizes a meeting between WTTW management and representatives of thirteen local coalitions and nonprofit groups. Limited programming and other gains result. These include spotty airings of the labor series We Do the Work and selected episodes of the peace series “America’s Defense Monitor”, both under the series rubric Viewpoint, as well as early morning airings of Rights and Wrongs, the human rights series hosted by Charlayne Hunter-Gault. The station refuses to schedule the Academy Award-winning feature documentaries Panama Deception and Deadly Deception. The latter spotlighted the national boycott against WTTW’s top corporate funder, GE.
A three-judge panel of the US Court of Appeals for the 7th Circuit requires WFMT-FM management to enter into contract talks with the American Federation of Television and Radio Artists (AFTRA). The judges allude to possible electioneering by station employee Studs Terkel.
1992
WFMT management announces the amount of “canned” or prerecorded commercials aired on the station will be reduced.
1991
Public broadcasting funding comes up for a vote and Senators Dole, McCain and Helms decry that public broadcasting has a “liberal bias”.
The Independent Television Service (ITVS) is created by Congress to facilitate the creation and distribution of independent works representing underserved and minority voices for airing on public television stations.
Employees at WFMT vote 19-18 to unionize.
The National Labor Relations Board rules there is insufficient evidence to overturn the results of the WFMT unionization drive. CETA appeals through the court.
1990
CETA fires numerous key WFMT engineering, sales and production employees. The action comes as WFMT employees attempt to organize for union representation. The move also heightens continuing suspicions that the station is being prepped for sale.
1990
The lawsuit filed in Circuit Court by the Friends of WFMT (see 1989 below) is dismissed. The presiding judge rules that the Friends of WFMT has no legal right to file the court challenge. The suit’s aims included stopping any format change or station sale.
CETA announces it is dropping the near-forty year ban on “canned” or prerecorded commercials on WFMT.
CETA files a trademark infringement suit against the Friends of WFMT. The corporate parent of WTTW and WFMT states it will “suffer irreparable harm” and seeks unspecified damages from the citizen group. Thomas Geoghegan, an attorney for the Friends of WFMT called the suit “ridiculous”.
In a settlement, the board that oversees WFMT is to be expanded and is to include the current president of the Friends of WFMT. Appeals to the circuit court decision and the FCC license challenge by the Friends of WFMT (see 1989 below) are dropped, as is the trademark infringement suit filed in federal court by CETA. Studs Terkel maintains that the station was “robbed of millions” in the sale of “Chicago” magazine.
1989
The Friends of WFMT threaten and then file suit in the Cook County Circuit Court against WFMT’s corporate parent CETA. The points of contention include: whether or not WFMT was illegally deprived of money from the sale of “Chicago” magazine; whether there should be restrictions upon CETA’s ability to sell the station; whether WFMT should be declared a charitable trust and therefore subject to limits on its sale or programming changes; and concerns about imprudent management. The group also seeks a bar upon pre-recorded commercials and commercial jingles. CETA’s only initial response is to deny it has any plans to sell the station.
The NAACP files a petition with the FCC to deny renewal of WFMT's broadcasting license along with the licenses of thirteen other Illinois radio stations. This challenge, later denied, cites, “no more than token employment of blacks and other minorities.”
The Friends of WFMT files a petition with the FCC to deny renewal of the station’s license. The petition repeats accusations contained in the pending Cook County Circuit Court lawsuit against CETA. The suit mentions WTTW - “It was, and still is, regarded as one of the mediocre public TV stations in the country.”
1986
In a public notice, the FCC explains that “enhanced underwriting” would offer “significant potential benefits to public broadcasting in terms of attracting additional business support.”
CETA sells “Chicago” magazine (which grew from WFMT’s program guide) to the Detroit-based Metropolitan Communications, Inc. for $17 million and later establishes an endowment fund from the sale.
1985
WFMT management ups the original limit of four commercial minutes an hour to six.
The Friends of WFMT is created. The group includes lawyer and former 5th ward Alderman Leon Despres, lawyer Thomas Geoghegan and public relations executives Connie Zonka and Herb Kraus. At its peak the group claimed 4,000-5,000 members and published a regular newsletter.
1984
The Mark Fowler-chaired FCC substantially relaxes the noncommercial policy to allow public broadcasters to expand or “enhance” the scope of donor and underwriter “acknowledgements” to include such things as “value neutral descriptions of a product line or service,” and corporate logos or slogans which “identify and do not promote”.
1983
Under President Ronald Reagan, a cut in federal funding for public broadcasting of nearly 40% becomes law.
Robert Johnston, a public-interest attorney, files a complaint with Illinois Attorney General Neil Hartigan asking that WFMT make the same financial disclosures made by public broadcasting stations. CETA’s WFMT, Inc. Committee Chair Robert Wilcox, in a written response to Hartigan, tells nothing of WFMT’s financial performance and denies accountability to the public, saying only “for competitive reasons, we do not publish (financial statements) or distribute them more widely.” AG Hartigan deigns involvement except as a mediator.
The control of WCME Channel 20 (formerly CETA’s WXXW) is transferred to the City College Board of Chicago. The channel is renamed WYCC-TV and after nine years, returns to the air. WYCC today remains without a studio (though one is planned) and generates little programming of local origination.
1982
Up until this period, individual corporate funder acknowledgements broadcast on public TV were limited to brief slides with the company’s name printed in white letters on a black background with no logograms and no sound or music. Mentions were not placed adjacent to programming to which the source contributed. But this was soon to change.
The Temporary Commission on Alternative Financing of Public Television (TCAF) is formed. TCAF - composed of members of Congress and FCC Commissioners - urges stations to use “experimental ways” of financing their operations. Ten stations, including WTTW, are authorized to air “forms of advertising similar to commercial TV” during an 18-month test period. Of the $3.7 million worth of ads sold, CETA led the way with $1.9 million. The other cities in the test were: New York, Philadelphia, Pittsburgh, Miami, New Orleans, Erie, Pa., Louisville, Binghampton, NY, and Muncie, Ind. A Reagan administration official at the time spoke of the "favorable impact advertising had on both the stations and their viewers."
1979
The Citizens’ Committee on Media (CCOM) accountability project forms and addresses censorship in Chicago’s telecommunications media. CCOM pries open CETA board meetings to public attendance. (Activist’s requests for meeting minutes and complete budgets from WTTW are still routinely denied.) CCOM and local filmmakers organize and call for the still running weekly half hour independent film and video series Image Union.
1977
The Carnegie Commission on the Future of Public Broadcasting (Carnegie II) issues its report. The politicians ignore its well-intentioned but flawed calls for a public broadcasting trust and fees on commercial broadcasters’ use of the public’s airwaves. Limited provisions for accountability, EEO rules and a few of the report’s other recommendations find their way into the Public Broadcasting Act of 1978 and remain a part of public broadcasting law.
The Chicago Metropolitan Education Council - headed by Channel 44 President Oscar Shabat - buys channel 20 and changes its name to WCME-TV. Documentation so far indicates that channel 20 remained “dark” from 1974 to 1983.
1974
CETA’s instructional channel 20 WXXW-TV leaves the air.
Key WFMT figures Ray Nordstrand and Norm Pellegrini, along with Charles Benton form Concert Radio, Inc. The concern - a private for-profit company - becomes involved in a license challenge to acquire the rights to the New York City classical station WNCN-FM a few years later. Had Concert Radio, Inc. succeeded in acquiring WNCN-FM, it planned to attempt to use the purchase to leverage WFMT-FM away from CETA.
1969
The Public Broadcasting Service (PBS) - public broadcasting’s main distribution arm - is founded.
Channel 11 censors parts of the innovative PBS series Great American Dream Machine. In one instance, the station manager removes a skit about an unmarried couple in bed discussing their fading affair. WTTW replaces the segment with a station pledge drive.
President Nixon requests, “all funds for public broadcasting be cut immediately.”
Critics call for among other things, a member-elected board at CETA.
1968
Due to illness, Bernard Jacobs sells WFMT-FM’s assets to the Tribune Company-controlled WGN Continental Broadcasting Company. Jacobs turns down a comparable offer from a more public interest-oriented concern lead by Encyclopedia Britannica heir Charles Benton.
The Citizens Committee to Save WFMT (organized by Charles Benton) forms to oppose the station’s sale to the Tribune Company at the FCC and in the Circuit Court on grounds of concentration of control in media.
WGN donates the assets of the for-profit WFMT to the not-for-profit Chicago Educational Television Association, overseer of WTTW. No other public broadcasting association’s holdings include a for-profit commercial license.
1967
The Carnegie Commission issues its report “Public Television: A Program for Action”. The report calls for the creation of a national public broadcasting structure with adequate, independent and accountable funding.
The Public Broadcasting Act of 1967 is signed into law, creating the Corporation for Public Broadcasting (CPB) - its miniscule appropriation subject regularly to politics ever since.
1965
CETA’s WXXW-TV Channel 20 begins instructional broadcasting.
1961
Newton Minow, FCC chair and key Chicago and national public broadcasting figure, makes his famous “television…a vast wasteland” speech.
1955
WTTW-TV Channel 11 begins broadcasting educational programming under the control of the nonprofit Chicago Educational Television Association (CETA).
1954
An open letter to Channel 11’s founder Edward L. Ryerson and its response are published locally. The complaint centers upon delays in getting the station on the air. The complainer is well-known author and WFMT program host Louis “Studs” Terkel.
1951
WFMT 98.7 FM begins broadcasting as a for-profit, modestly commercial fine arts station under the control of Bernard and Rita Jacobs.
-----
Chicago Media Action thanks the Chicago Historical
Society for its research assistance.
Sources for this timeline include Chicago Tribune, Chicago Sun-Times, Chicago Reader, NewCity, New York Times, Wall Street Journal and other print sources. Individual citations are available.

